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public-sector employees/workers/managers Unions have rejected the government”s pay offer for public-sector workers.
It imposed new taxes while putting a cap on spending, transferred control from unions to the state, and eliminated special regimes for public–sector workers.
However, subsequent e^orts to privatize these 314 public–sector enterprises proceeded slowly and in piecemeal fashion.
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In addition to these private pension schemes, unfunded public–sector pension programmes that offer similar conditions are provided to state employees.
His account, like many, emphasizes public–sector managers being constrained by the general organizations and “a complex set of laws and regulations” (p. 16).
Moreover, were the state to adopt the eight-hour day for public–sector workers, this would be a powerful example.
In richer suburban areas, local authorities and other public–sector organizations had the resources and time to produce better quality documents.
It is worth recalling that public–sector employees had their benefit level based on final salary rather than average earnings of the last five years.
And relations of authority in public–sector firms by definition are relations between individuals and the state.
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It is of significance that some public–sector breeding programmes have excellent client-orientation because far mer groups fund them.
Real public–sector earnings, on the other hand, increased from an index of 48 in 1983 to 270 by 1992.
While public–sector size in general may not be associated with corruption, egregious forms of state intervention are another matter.
In 1978, organized labor formally abandoned its longstanding commitment to public–sector solutions to achieve universal health care.
First, this intervention would probably require adaptation for use in other settings such as community private practice or public–sector mental health clinics.
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